Victims of Argentina’s dictatorship see step backward in Milei’s presidency | Politics News


Buenos Aires, Argentina – At midday on January 12, 1977, troopers burst into Alicia Partnoy’s residence, tore her away from her 18-month-old daughter and threw her behind a truck.

For months, she endured torture in a focus camp within the Argentinian metropolis of Bahia Blanca, earlier than lastly fleeing to the US as a refugee.

Now, she is bracing herself for a presidential administration that she sees as justifying the actions of her tormentors.

At the moment, far-right economist and politician Javier Milei takes workplace as Argentina’s new president. At his aspect can be working mate Victoria Villarruel, a controversial determine, partially, for her views on the military dictatorship that dominated Argentina from 1976 to 1983.

Critics accuse Villarruel, a lawyer and former member of the Chamber of Deputies, of dismissing, downplaying and defending the abuses that occurred underneath the dictatorship, which killed an estimated 30,000 people.

Some survivors concern Villarruel and Milei’s ascent to energy might even sign a return to authoritarian rule.

Argentina’s Vice President-elect Victoria Villarruel leaves Congress as a part of the presidential transition course of on November 22 [Natacha Pisarenko/AP Photo]

“Her convictions are the identical convictions that produced the genocide in Argentina. Her concepts are the identical concepts,” mentioned Partnoy, 68, who has written books about her expertise and now works as a human rights activist and lecturer at Loyola Marymount College.

All through her political profession, Villarruel has made proposals that stoked these fears. She pushed for hefty will increase to the army’s funds on the marketing campaign path and has known as to abolish the memorial and museum on the Argentine Naval Petty Officers School, a former torture web site.

“It brings you the worst nightmares,” mentioned Agustin Cetrangolo, whose mother and father had been kidnapped and tortured throughout the dictatorship. His father by no means returned.

Cetrangolo organises for the group Sons and Daughters for Id and Justice In opposition to Forgetfulness and Silence (HIJOS), which fights to carry members of the army dictatorship accountable for his or her crimes. He’s amongst these involved about an authoritarian flip underneath Milei.

“Proper now it’s simply on this planet of fantasies, of hypothesis, however there’s a actual chance it might occur,” Cetrangolo mentioned.

Two police officers — dressed in black uniforms with gold crests on the arm and black caps on their head — stand side by side as someone behind them holds up a white bandana that reads: "Fue Genocido"
Protesters maintain up a white bandana that reads, ‘It was a genocide,’ as then-vice presidential candidate Victoria Villarruel arrives to vote in Buenos Aires on November 19 [Rodrigo Abd/AP Photo]

Revisionist historical past

Since Argentina’s return to democracy 4 many years in the past, human rights activists have fought to protect the historical past of the dictatorship and maintain its perpetrators accountable.

The dictatorship got here to energy in a army coup and carried out a marketing campaign of abduction, torture and execution to eradicate any perceived threats to its energy, together with scholar teams and left-wing activists.

Along with the 1000’s who had been killed, an estimated 500 children had been kidnapped or born in custody, with some positioned in army households the place they by no means knew their true mother and father. Over 130 of those “stolen kids” were later identified by way of DNA testing.

In 1985, the Argentinian authorities held a groundbreaking trial to convey high army leaders to justice. Whereas some had been acquitted, others got prolonged sentences, together with life in jail.

More than 1,200 “repressors” and “genocide perpetrators” have been convicted within the years since, based on Argentina’s Ministry of Justice and Human Rights.

But Villarruel, 48, comes from a parallel custom that seeks to justify the actions of the dictatorship as a mandatory evil.

The daughter of a outstanding army household, she has asserted that army leaders had been preventing a “soiled struggle” in opposition to left-wing militant teams, slightly than finishing up a scientific marketing campaign of violence in opposition to civilians.

In 2006, Villarruel based the Middle for Authorized Research on Terrorism and its Victims, which makes use of human-rights rhetoric to shift consideration from the dictatorship to the victims of left-wing “terror” assaults.

“For 40 years, the victims of terrorism have been disappeared from reminiscence,” Villarruel mentioned in a September rally in Buenos Aires that provoked a counter-protest outdoors the venue.

She additionally raised eyebrows for her 2013 journey to go to the late army chief Jorge Rafael Videla in jail. He served as head of state throughout the dictatorship.

A poster on the side of a wall in Argentina shows a split image, half with the face of Victoria Villarruel and half with the face of dictator Jorge Rafael Videla
A flyer in Buenos Aires juxtaposes the face of then-vice presidential candidate Victoria Villarruel with that of former army chief Jorge Rafael Videla, whom she visited in jail [Natacha Pisarenko/AP Photo]

A conservative fringe

Emilio Crenzel, who researches historic reminiscence of the dictatorship on the College of Buenos Aires, mentioned Villarruel’s actions serve to “victimise” the perpetrators of the dictatorship, turning them into tragic figures worthy of sympathy.

“The sufferer has prerogatives within the public eye and the capability to elicit empathy,” Crenzel mentioned.

By his research, Crenzel has noticed that the pursuit of accountability recedes when economic woes are on the forefront of Argentina’s politics.

He pointed to 1989, when protests over hyperinflation introduced down the federal government of Raul Alfonsin, who presided over Argentina’s transition right into a democracy and the 1985 trial of the dictatorship’s army leaders.

Now, Crenzel mentioned, Argentina faces triple-digit inflation and a devalued foreign money. That made individuals in November’s election extra more likely to vote primarily based on rapid monetary issues, versus long-term questions of human rights.

But Villarruel marks the primary time a political motion in Argentina has received energy with a discourse so brazenly supportive of the dictatorship’s actions, mentioned Maximo Fernandez, a cultural promoter within the metropolis of Cordoba whose mother and father had been pressured into exile throughout the dictatorship.

“Earlier than, there was a sure diploma of moderation,” Fernandez mentioned. “These individuals don’t have it any extra, and so they say what they suppose, which is surprising.”

But, whereas Villarruel’s rhetoric has discovered supporters within the conservative fringes of the Argentinian voters, consultants say the vast majority of Argentines are usually not aligned together with her place.

“I consider she doesn’t characterize greater than 10 % or 15 % of the inhabitants,” Crenzel mentioned.

Demonstrators hold up banners and umbrellas and march through the Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires.
Survivors of the dictatorship and supporters march with the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo in central Buenos Aires [Victor Swezey/Al Jazeera]

Reaching new generations

To capitalise on the shortage of assist for Villarruel’s concepts, Cetrangolo of HIJOS mentioned the Argentinian human rights motion must do a greater job reaching younger voters.

A November ballot of 802 voters between ages 16 and 25 from the Argentinian publication Clarin confirmed overwhelming assist for Milei, with practically 77 % holding a constructive view. Against this, simply 13 % had a constructive opinion of his centre-left run-off rival, Sergio Massa.

This youthful technology has no reminiscence of the dictatorship, Cetrangolo identified. They rallied behind Milei largely out of frustration with the state of the economic system.

“We’re not efficiently connecting with the issues of at this time, at the very least amongst younger individuals,” mentioned Cetrangolo.

He lately began utilizing TikTok to make movies concerning the dictatorship. “I’m specializing in the youth, which is the place the manufacturing of reminiscence and with the ability to share our testimony is most vital.”

Different activists really feel larger in-person mobilisation can be mandatory to make sure the reminiscence of the dictatorship isn’t misplaced.

Elia Espin, a member of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo — a group of women who demonstrate for the return of people disappeared during the dictatorship — holds up an old black-and-white photo of her young son Hugo Miedan, who was among those abducted. She sits in a wheelchair, wearing a plaid shirt, sunglasses and a white scarf in her hair.
Activist Elia Espin holds up a photograph of her lacking son, who disappeared underneath Argentina’s army dictatorship [Victor Swezey]

“As soon as once more, we’re going to must exit into the road to inform how they wounded us, inform our tales which can be very dramatic and present the miserableness of our oppressors,” mentioned Elia Espin, whose son Hugo Miedan was forcibly disappeared in 1977.

Espin, 92, is a member of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, a motion based by the moms of activists who had been kidnapped and killed throughout the dictatorship.

In 1981, they started donning white headscarves and holding weekly marches within the centre of Buenos Aires to demand the whereabouts of their kids, a lot of whom have but to be discovered.

Espin acknowledges that the election of Milei and Villarruel presents a problem, however she stays undeterred from her quest for justice.

“We’re going to proceed so long as we reside,” Espin mentioned. And even when she dies, she added that her struggle is not going to be over: “Others will stay.”



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